Starting of something which never did start

Seeing, his own life through the shattered glass. Painted every wall he once wrote on. Glazed the sky once more in search of a simple life.

 Well he believed in simplicity. For that he undid the complicated because he knew in the end it was as simple as written.He believed in quotes but with conditions because he knew in the end there were people to contradict his views.He believed in fundamentals but he wanted to go beyond.He knew that every problem had its solution so close to it that we almost missed them all the time.At so early an age he was a thinker in time but with no experience it was useless.He could speak out loud but with no words it was useless.

State-Press Relations since 1947

State-Press Relations since 1947

The press has traditionally experienced the often harsh effects of Pakistan's political instability. When partition resulted in the establishment of Pakistan as an independent homeland for the Muslims, the Muslim League as a political party struggled with the tasks of leading the new country into stable statehood. Factionalism, however, quickly contributed to instability, internal strife, incompetence, and corruption. The press at this point was largely a remnant of the Moslem press present during the struggle for independence, and it was seen as aggravating the problems being faced by keeping these issues out in front of the people. Thus, the government began its long history of attempting to control the press through arrests, the banning of certain publications, and other punitive measures.

Between 1948 and 1956, political turbulence intensified with the assassination of the country's first Prime Minister, Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan, in 1951 and the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in 1954. However, by 1956, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan was enforced; it contained an article specifically devoted to freedom of speech. The 1956 Constitution lasted less than three years when it was abrogated by the imposition of martial law in October 1958. A new enforcement of the constitution in 1962 occurred with the removal of martial law by President Ayub Khan. Although this constitution continued the recognition of an initial concept of freedom of expression, in reality, a military ruler imposed the constitution, and it contained no separate chapter on fundamental rights. The press and the public commented on the implications of living under a constitution devoid of mention of such basic rights, which resulted in Constitutional Amendment No. 1 to the 1962 Constitution.

History of 63 years independence is witness of Pakistani journalism always criticized by democratic and doctorial governments.

A man showed digital copy of his editorial and quaid e azam replied

“My dear boy write in the light of your own thinking don’t take instruction by any one, write with truth and fearlessness, I don’t like such interruption. And when I replied I’ll feel happy while adopting these suggestions than Quaid e azam replied aggressively “NO! I AM NOT THE EDITOR OF NEWS PAPER”.  It shows how every indivual has right to speak out in favor of any one.

After independence media treated under the act of 1930 Pakistan Muslim league struggled hard for complete freedom of expression but after the death of Quaid-e-azam regulatory authority impose the same law which was formed by British rulers. It was the law which our Quaid strictly refused to sign by saying” I always have been fought against black laws in my whole life and now u want to signed this piece of paper by me, no I will remain with my stance” .

After implementation of the law, freedom of speech under gone by governmental polices if media tried to raise his voice against capital authority, government strictly charged them.

After this gora law four more laws were imposed on media

• Pakistan safety Act                                       (1949)
• Pakistan security Act                                    ( 1952)
• Officials secret Act                                       (1952)
• Pakistan emergency act                                 (1958)

Under Pakistan safety Act NAWA E WAQAT was banned and freedom of expression was suppressed. Finance minister and information secretary khuwaja shahbudin charged this act. hamid nizami launched a newspaper named jahad which was also banned by government. Another newspaper launched named nawa e Pakistan till March 1952.

According to press Act 1930 provinces were given the power over press that if any publication does mobilizes the people against government or civil disobedience that press would be heavily prosecuted for it.

Pakistan security Act 1952 is a law in which if there is any material found in newspapers and publications which is against the security of the country they will punish by the state but government of Pakistan used it wrongly.

Official secret Act 1952 is an act inspired by the U.K official secret act 1911 which was that no press or publication would disclose state secrets matters of top secret if any one did. Petition would be filed against them.

Charged securities Pakistan textile market                            Film service Barber Travel scope Dates of pin friends Children art and handy craft Art and life Industrial records

Editor got in prison Editor of khursheed Editor of Al Islam Editor of al jamiat Editor of istaklal

Completely banned Pashto weekly “plankton” Other religious magazines Sawyer Naqosh Al haq Adab latif Charged rupees three thousands for security.

Under these acts, the situation became very critical. Though in seven years, only in Punjab 31 newspapers were banned from 7 months to 15years other newspapers were asked to provide their securities.

Under security Act, 4 journalists kept in prison and charged different punishments. “MORNING NEWS”

Decade of Ayub khan:-

After 11 years of revolution of Pakistan, it was taken over by doctorial government inspite of democratic government. In the regime of ayub media became restricted. All news paper owned by different politicians restricted even though many of them were closed.

In other words it is known as “BLACK LAW” till now in the history of journalism.

Newspapers were diminished only to criticize and backup the social issues and never let the attention of readers towards government policies.

Progressive papers limited:- Ayub khan targeted PPL at first because of its worth. It was a organization of press by faiz ahmed faiz and syed sibit hussain who were heavily penalized by ayub khan because they wrote in favor of democracy and against dictator ship. It had following publications under PPL

• Pakistan times
• Amroz
• Lael o nahar

It was taken over on April 18 1959 by the government.

National press trust:-

After 5 years of taking position on PPL government introduced NPT under which amroz, Pakistan times launched again

Associated press of Pakistan:-

After making such decision Ayub government took over APP and came forward and gave the reason behind it that due to great recession and corruption issues government has to step forward, but the basic reason behind this took over was to take control on news agency. News manager of ppl Lahore zameer quraishi was murdered by unknown persons.

However, in 1963, just one year after the adoption of the new constitution, the Press and Publications Ordinance (PPO) came into being. This ordinance contained the harshest of laws curtailing freedom of expression and the progressive development of the media and leading to the March 1969 relinquishing of power by President Ayub Khan to General Yahya Khan who imposed martial law. General Khan relied heavily on one of the measures of this ordinance, the system of "press advice" given out by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in order to avoid publication of news and reports deemed unsuitable for public consumption. It was also during this period that newspapers and magazines known for their independent and progressive views were first taken over by the government. Eventually the National Press Trust, created in 1964, took over these journals and acted as a front to control a section of the press.

Press and publication ordinance (1964)

This law was implemented at that time when president Ayub khan (president of Pakistan at that time) realized that if government wants to make it strong than it should limited the rights and circles of the institutions that are accountable to the government. On the basis of basic democratic system people were not free to express their own views. According to act 124, public processions were banned. There were many steps taken to control press. For example fully control of government on news print kota, distribution of pamphlets, fully control on newspapers due to NPT etc.

In September 1954, first time in Pakistan government formed press commission for the preparation of press laws. Responsibilities given to commission were to take review of press laws and to check if there is any need of amendment. Press publication ordinance was imposed in 1960.

This ordinance was imposed by the martial law government of Ayub.

Some important points of this amended law are given below

·         Misguiding the armed forces and police

·         Declaration of publication of newspaper will be attested by district magistrate.

·         No Foreigner owner

·         No foreigner will be allowed to be an owner of a newspaper nor have any share in any newspaper.

·         Steps of parliament and court

·         No newspaper will publish the steps taken by the court or parliament.

·         Any newspaper creating hatred between the people of Pakistan.

·         Details of criminals and crimes committed.

·         Spreading rumors.

·         News of corruption of Admission in police or army.

·         Spoiling good relations with other countries

Years of Yahya khan

After ending of Ayub khan government, Yahya khan took the government and imposed new martial law in the country. Those restrictions that were made on press in Ayub khan’s government were made soften by this government. And result was that the press, (which was stuck in the restrictions of government) got freedom and removed the working way of “press advice”. And in result press got freedom and it was so beneficial that even it was not cared that (what would government say) in all matters. In Yahya khan’s era much freedom was given to press that we can’t find an example in the history. Senior analyst have their views that Yahya’s government favored freedom of press because to increase the period of their government.

Yahya’s government didn’t only work for the freedom of press but it also hurt it.

Some important incidents are given.

Ø  Translator of Awami league (Itafaq), Dhaka was banned for two months.

Ø  (The people), office of the Dhaka and press was destroyed in 1971.

Ø  On March 30, 1971, all foreigners journalist were ordered to leave the country.

Ø  Member of institutional board of daily “Azad” Abdullah Malik was given punishment for one year and was fined 50,000 by the court.

In 1960, the Western Pakistan Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance was promulgated. On the outside, the aim was to consolidate into one law different provisions for "preventive detention of persons" and "control of persons and publications for reasons connected with the maintenance of public order." The real aim was to refine and reinforce the mechanism of repression. With amendments in 1963 and 1964, this law empowered the government to ban the printing of publications, to enter and search premises, and to prohibit import of newspapers, among other measures. These powers have been used by succeeding government’s right up until the government of Musharraf.

In 1961, the government also took over the principal news agency of the country, the APP, arguing that "administrative and financial breakdown" justified such a move. Instead of allowing private enterprise to improve the quality of the news agency, the government saw this as an opportunity to control what news would be supplied to the print media, to radio, and to the outside world.

In spite of such repressive times, the press took a bold stand in providing alternative sources of news through an independent press. It was also during this time that the Press and Publications Ordinance collected under one law a number of excessive regulatory measures and punitive concepts that had previously existed in different laws and were now applied heavily to control the press. This press law (PPO) endured for 25 years before being repealed in September 1988.

In December 1971, when the break-up of Pakistan and the birth of Bangladesh occurred, General Yahya Khan handed over power to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as President and Pakistan's first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator who continued to use martial law up to April 1972 when an interim constitution was adopted, prior to the enactment of a new constitution by the National Assembly in August 1973. Bhutto, however, reacting to criticism by various members of the press, imprisoned editors and publishers on the pretext of national security.

The next five years, from 1972 to 1977, represented the beginnings of democracy; however, they were marred by repressive actions toward the press. The new constitution, although formulated on the principles of democracy, human rights, and freedom of speech, did not deliver on these promises. The PPO remained, as did the National Press Trust. Furthermore, through coercion and manipulation, the government insured that the only other news agency in the country (aside from the government-owned APP), the Pakistan Press International (PPI), was brought under its authority.

This hard copy tells different reigns of governments telling their relations with press. The difficulties that the press faced in Pakistan and yet remained vibrant despite them, date back almost to the birth of the nation. Whereas Quid-e-Azam strongly believed in a free press, soon after his death, the press faced restrictions of various kinds. 

Government-Press relations during the regime of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto                        

                                                                                  

“A free press can be good or bad, but…. most certainly, without freedom a press will never be anything but bad.”

Albert Camus

But the policy of repression of the press was continued during Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government.

Before coming into power, zulfikar Ali Bhutto strongly favored freedom of press. He used to support demands of journalists and he announced that he conceded the right of journalists to express their views. He made another announcement that when he will come into power, he will close the National Press Trust and will cancel the Press and Publications Ordinance.

But the promises were all forgotten and the matters were all opposite from the ones that were claimed. And journalists had to face even more difficulties and examinations.

• After gaining power on December 20, 1971, his first step was to dismiss Z . A Sulehri, the chief editor of Pakistan Times. He forgot his promise of closing the NPT and cancellation of Press and Publications Ordinance.
• Moreover, the attainment of Declaration of newspapers or magazines became difficult.
• Only one changing that was made in NPT was to finish the Board of Directors and the authority to choose the chairman of the trust was taken by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto himself.

            The situation is described in the words of Shafique Jalandhri as;

“Bhutto’s reign started with the restricted actions taken against journalists and journalism. He dismissed Z. A sulehri, the chief editor of Pakistan Times in just 24 hours after his selection. Altaf Gohar, the chief editor of Dawn and Huriat, was arrested on Feb 2, 1972. Besides harassing press, the news of taking the authority of newspapers under government was also spread. To increase the harassments to the owners of newspapers threats of investigating their properties were given to them. ”

·         Due to the attempts taken by Bhutto’s government, a tremendous increase in the arrests, a decrease in the news print and cancellation of declaration of newspapers, was seen.

·         It was quite wondering to note that only one declaration was issued for an English publication during that period. It was thought by some groups of people that it was published to please another country.

·         A famous journalist Hussain Naqi questioned in a press conference criticizing that the promises regarding the freedom of press had been forgotten and there was an increase in difficulties of journalists. As a result of this criticism, declaration for his publication was cancelled.

·         Subordination of press according to system of PRESS ADVISE was seen on january 19, 1947, when general elections were announced by Bhutto for the seat in National Assembly Larkana. Three advises were sent to the offices of newspapers late night.

                                           I.            A portrait will be provided by PID, that has to be published on front page of the newspaper. The caption like THE GREAT LEADER, SUPERIOR, will be published word by word. The size of the picture will be 8 * 6 inches.

                                        II.            The news regarding Bhutto’s selection in general elections will be published on the front page and for the rest people, it will be published in the inner pages.

                                     III.            The statement of Shah Farid-ul-Haq and news about press conference of professor ghafoor Ahmed will not be published before the submission of registry papers of candidate from the opposition at Larkana. In this regard, it has to be waiting for the issued APP version.

From the all above facts, we can conclude that government-press relations during the rule of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto were critical. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto……… who started his rule as a civilian administrator … began his term by trying to reach out to the journalist community and appeared to ease some restrictions that were in effect. However, his feudal instincts take over and he too tightened the noose and used his policy of nationalization to take over many independent news agencies and press.

In 1977, General Zia ul Haq ousted Bhutto from the prime minister position and once again imposed martial law under which abuse of journalists became public rather than covert. Journalists were flogged in public at Zia's whim. Although martial law usually ends with a Supreme Court-imposed deadline by which elections must be held, Zia was given no such deadline, and his time in office up to August 1988 had a deleterious effect on the mass media. Not one single law or regulation of any progressive character was created during Zia's rule. The only positive outcome of Zia's rule was the restoration of the news agency PPI to its original shareholders. Since then PPI provides a valuable alternative news source to the government-controlled APP.

Government of Genral Zia ul Haq

                  As at that time country's condition was getting out of control so, on 5th July 1977 general Zia imposed martial law in country and took government in his hands.

During his reign free journalism was also not there. But as compared to Bhutto’s government there were fewer restrictions so; journalists took a sigh of relief. National press act and press and publication ordinance was also remained at that time.to take control over the press the old methods were applied such as stop government advertisements, cancelling of declaration, reduce news prints etc. there was a new critical situation for journalists of that time that was the military court punishments on which there journalists became very aggressive. Zamir niazi said on this issue

              "13th may 1978 was the darkest day in the history of journalism when the military court announces the punishment of hunters for the four journalists."

These journalists were sentenced with prison labor for different durations with heavy fines and hunters Punishment. In this time government took advantages from the martial law regulations for putting restrictions on press. This government promoted a book of famous journalist Zamir Niazi’s “PRESS IN CHAINS” with a special agenda and presents it to foreign journalists with signatures to show them that how much the media is free in our country. But government stopped government institutions from buying it and prohibited this book in government libraries. There was a strange notification issued by Punjab provisional department of education that no writer, columnist or philosopher is allow to attend conferences without permission.

Later years of unsuccessful democracy (1984-1997)

In 1985, Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo was elected to the National Assembly, based on nonparty elections, and lifted martial law in December 1985. Even though Junejo was a more democratic political figure, the PPO remained in place under him, and he relied on the old media laws. However, in May 1988 President General Zia ul Haq dissolved the National Assembly and dismissed the Government of Prime Minister Junejo, replacing them with a cabinet of his own and no prime minister. This arrangement only lasted 11 weeks as Haq was killed in a suspicious plane crash in August 1988.

This incident resulted in the Chairman of the Senate, Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, succeeding to the office of President as per the constitution. A caretaker government provided transition to a full-fledged democracy, which included repealing the press law that had coerced the media for so long.

A new law, known as the Registration of Printing Presses and Publications Ordinance came into effect in 1988. A key change in this law made it mandatory for the District Magistrate to issue a receipt to an applicant for the issuance of a declaration for the keeping of a printing press or the publication of a journal to provide the applicant with proof that would help avoid government interference.

The most significant change made in the press law of 1988 was the removal of power from the government and the right of an applicant to be heard in person by the authority before any punitive action was taken, like the closure of a press. Appeals were also now allowed. In addition, newspapers were no longer obligated to publish in full the press notes issued by the government.

For a variety of reasons, the press law of 1988 continued to be re-promulgated as an ordinance through 1997, even though the Supreme Court ruled such re-promulgation unconstitutional. One key reason for this was the recurring demands by representative bodies of the press to revise the 1988 law even further to remove any executive power to control the press.

The November 1988 elections saw Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, the first Muslim woman prime minister of the world, assume office. She brought with her a new phase of liberalism toward the mass media laws and regulations. For example, Bhutto's government allowed government-controlled radio and television to provide daily and well-balanced coverage of the speeches and statements of its opposition in news bulletins and current affairs programs. Because the print media reaches such a small percentage of the population, this change had a significant impact on the public, but was returned to the old, one-sided coverage after only four months because of pressure on Bhutto by her party, the Pakistan People's Party.

The independent press grew stronger during this phase; the Urdu press and the English press, as well as the regional language press, such as Sindh language newspapers, showed a new energy in reporting the news and in analyzing the issues of the day. In addition, new technology and use of computers and desktop publishing allowed a more timely and in-depth reporting of the news. Bhutto also ended the manipulative government practice of using newsprint as a means of controlling the press. Specifically, the Ministry of Information no longer required issuance of permits to import newsprint and allowed a free and open system of importing newsprint at market prices.

In 1990, President Ishaq Khan dismissed Bhutto's government, charging them with misconduct, and declared a state of emergency. Bhutto and her party lost the October elections, and the new prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, took over. For reasons not apparent to the public, Sharif restored the issuance of permits system for news-print import.

The charges against Bhutto were resolved, and after a bitter campaign, the PPP was returned to power in October 1993, and Bhutto was again named prime minister. She was ousted again in 1996 amid charges of corruption, a caretaker government was installed, and Sharif defeated Bhutto in the February 1997 elections.

Years of Nawaz sharif

In Sharif's two and one-half years in power, he used many heavy-handed methods to deal with journalists who dared to criticize his government. He put tremendous pressure on independent journalists, using both covert and overt means of retribution. His Pakistan Muslim League party (PML) achieved a landslide electoral victory in the National Assembly, which made Sharif believe he had been given a "heavy mandate" to rule the country as he saw fit. He was able to cast aside all democratic checks on his power, except for the press. In the end, the press survived whereas Sharif did not. The press, in fact, through its wide reporting of Sharif's abuse of power, prepared the Pakistani people for General Pervez Musharraf's military coup on October 12, 1999.

Since the government of Nawaz Sharif there has been seen a lot of pressure on the press media of Pakistan. The awful point of this was that this democratic government was also trying evidently suppressing the media and its parts.

One of the major examples was of the Jang group media organization. The government has embarked upon a systematic campaign to harass and intimidate the Jang Group of Newspapers for publishing articles unflattering to the administration. The Jang group, Pakistan's largest newspaper company, publishes two of the country's most widely-read papers: the daily Urdu-language Jang newspaper and The News, an English-language daily.

Jang's December 14, 1998 publication of articles about a financial scandal involving Nawaz Sharif’s family's Ittefaq Group of Companies, reports of which have been featured in London's  Observer newspaper, was followed by a raid on Jang's Rawalpindi bureau by officers from Pakistan's Federal Investigation Agency. Mir Shakil-ur-Rahman, publisher and editor-in-chief of the Jang Group of Newspapers said that the government of Nawaz Sharif applied intense pressure on him not to print the offending article, which ran prominently in both Jang and The News. The next day, FIA officers spent hours questioning newspaper staff, demanding to check Jang's actual stock of newsprint against the company's records. This investigation was apparently the latest attempt in 1998 by officials to intimidate newspaper management.

In October, 1998 the government served the Jang Group with tax notices totaling over 720 million rupees (about $13 million). Journalists in Pakistan report that those in power have long used the country's tax code to punish newspapers and magazines for opposing the government. In this case, although the Income Tax Appellate Court has stalled collection of these taxes pending a review of the claim's merits, employees of the Jang Group have reported continued harassment by authorities.

Various government departments have also made it extremely difficult for Jang to obtain sufficient newsprint to publish standard editions of its newspapers. The company's bank accounts were temporarily frozen by government order, preventing them from purchasing newsprint, and customs officials held a consignment of paper until a laboratory test could be conducted to determine whether the paper ordered by the company was indeed newsprint.

Jang has also experienced more direct pressure. For example, Shakil-ur-Rahman said that Senator Saifur Rahman-who heads the government's Ehtesab (Accountability) Bureau, established by the present administration to investigate corruption charges against the previous government-has repeatedly asked him to dismiss a number of senior journalists who have written critically about the administration. Among the journalists on the government's blacklist were:

• Maleeha Lodhi, editor, The News (Rawalpindi)
• Irshad Ahmed Haqqani, editor, Jang (Lahore)
• Kamran Khan, investigative editor, The News (Karachi)
• Sohaib Marghob, editor, Jang Sunday Magazine (Lahore)
• Abid Tahimi, feature editor, Jang magazine (Lahore)
• Mahmood Sham, editor, Jang (Karachi)
• Kamila Hyat, editor, The News (Lahore)
• Marianna Babar, special correspondent, The News (Rawalpindi)
• Kaleem Omar, writer, The News (Karachi)
• Sohail Wariach, senior assistant editor, Jang (Lahore)
• Beena Sarwar, editor, The News on Sunday (Lahore)
• Nasir Beg Chughtai, chief news editor, Jang (Karachi)
• Mudassir Mirza, news editor,  Jang ,/I>(Karachi)
• Khawar Naeem Hashmi, chief news editor, Jang (Lahore)
• Sajjad Anwar, editor, Jang magazine (Rawalpindi)

Disturbingly similar pressures have been applied to the well-respected magazine  Newsline, an English-language monthly run by a journalists' cooperative. On October 1, plainclothes officers raided the magazine's Karachi office, pressing staff to reveal home phone numbers and addresses of the magazine's editors.

2000 and Musharaf for press

In May 2000 Musharraf's regime was strengthened by a unanimous decision by the Supreme Court to validate the October 1999 coup as having been necessary; at the same time the Court announced that the Chief Executive should name a date not later than 90 days before the expiry of the three-year period from October 12, 1999 for the holding of elections to the National Assembly, the provincial assemblies, and the Senate.

In Pakistan a cooperative effort appears to be underway between Musharraf's government and the journalism community. In general, Musharraf's administration seems to follow a more liberal policy towards the press with fewer restrictions and much less manipulation. However, reports vary widely. Whereas the Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) reported continued harassment of and dangers to journalists, some journalists currently working for Pakistani newspapers offer another version of the situation. A. R. Khaliq, assistant editor for Business Recorder, reported that "the press, by and large, is not faced with any coercion or abuse under Musharraf."

THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF CHIEF EXECUTIVE GEN. PERVEZ MUSHARRAF sought to create an impression of benign rule. In part, this meant avoiding the bare-knuckle tactics that former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif used to control the press. However, Musharraf's patience with his critics seemed to be wearing thin toward the end of 2000, and some of the country's leading journalists warned that a crackdown could be imminent.

While there was substantial debate on the administration's policies in the boutique English-language press, political coverage in the mass circulation vernacular media tended to be far more tame. Self-censorship continued in all media, with journalists keenly aware that they work without constitutional protections or democratic safeguards.
 
On February 26, Justice Rehmat Hussain Jafri imposed restrictions on media coverage of Nawaz Sharif's trial. The former prime minister was charged with hijacking and attempted murder based on events immediately preceding the coup.
   
The closest the military regime came to an overt attack on the press was a four-hour inspection of the Karachi headquarters of the Dawn Group of Newspapers, which publishes some of Pakistan's most influential and respected publications, including the English-language daily Dawn. On September 27, an army monitoring team arrived at the newspaper offices to investigate the company's electrical usage. Soldiers demanded access to all parts of the building, including the offices of editors and reporters. The inspection followed a series of complaints by senior officials about Dawn's political coverage. Journalists at the paper saw it as a punitive raid.

On September 12, Dawn had published an article entitled "Free Press: Is Musharraf Having Second Thoughts?" In the article, senior correspondent Shaheen Sehbai noted that the chief executive, on a recent visit to the United States, had exhibited a "growing impatience with the Pakistani press...[complaining that] it was irresponsible, corrupt, unpatriotic at times, and not pursuing healthy journalism."

In mid-October, Musharraf suggested drafting legislation to punish those who make "anti-state comments.". But some journalists worried that such legislation would inevitably be used against the press. These fears seemed reasonable, since Pakistan already has strict laws against sedition that have been used to punish journalists writing about politically sensitive subjects.

Legal protections are tenuous at best in most of the country, but journalists are especially vulnerable in Pakistan's border regions. Local journalists reporting from North West Frontier Province, which borders Afghanistan, said they were regularly harassed and threatened for reporting critically on the policies of that country's ruling Taliban movement. These reporters feared publicizing their cases because the Pakistani military maintains close links with the Taliban, and because local police and security agents have also been hostile to the press.
 
Journalists were also vulnerable to arbitrary arrest and harassment in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), where local authorities exercise unchecked power and normal Pakistani law does not apply. Similarly, the uncertain political status of the Northern Areas, adjacent to the disputed territory of Kashmir, has created problems for journalists. On October 17, the deputy commissioner of Skardu banned K-2, one of four major weekly newspapers covering the region, for reporting on a protest demonstration by activists who demanded more rights for the local population.